How to Get Away with Murder, an anthology of essays from the Islamic world

By John W. Whitehead | 10/15/2017 09:37:18It’s been a few years since my last look at the Islamic State (IS) in Iraq and Syria, but it’s not the first time that I’ve been drawn to the group.

It is, after all, a group that claims to represent Islam’s idealistic, anti-authoritarian, and, yes, violent wing.

It also claims to be fighting to overthrow an oppressive Western regime.

But the Islamic militants that IS claims to fight for are not the people who are most visible to Westerners.

They are not in uniform or carrying AK-47s or carrying automatic weapons.

And while IS has claimed responsibility for some attacks, including one that killed over 50 people in Istanbul, the bulk of the atrocities it commits are committed by other groups, including the United States and its allies.

IS has also targeted non-Muslims, and it has killed civilians on the streets of Syria, Iraq, and elsewhere.

In the end, IS seems to be a group of self-proclaimed fighters, a self-appointed caliphate that’s governed over a vast swath of territory.

And the group that’s most visible in the Islamic media and the West is the Islamic Republic of Iran, a nation with a long history of religious extremism.

Iran’s rise to prominence has largely been the product of the Islamic revolution that took place in 1979.

But the country has since been at the center of a string of wars and proxy conflicts, which have left it in a precarious position to maintain its international standing.

The U.S.-backed government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has ruled Syria with an iron fist since 2013, while the Iranian-backed government is dominated by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), an elite fighting force that the U.K. and other Western nations helped establish in the 1990s as part of a strategy to create a pro-Western state in the region.

The IRGC, with an estimated 3,000 members, has played a key role in the rise of IS in Syria, and has been the group’s main recruiter in Iraq, according to a report released by the IRGC in 2015.

The IRGC has also played a role in funding, training, and arming the various groups that have fought alongside IS in Iraq.

In recent years, the IRG has sought to expand its reach, launching a new media outlet and launching an anti-government propaganda campaign in Iraq as part a broader effort to expand influence in the country.

But, in recent months, the group has faced growing opposition from Iraqi officials and from the U of A. Iranian-based media outlets and the IRF have long been seen as the gatekeepers for Iranian influence in Iraq that are largely aligned with the government of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.

The group’s recent offensive in northern Iraq, known as Operation Euphrates Shield, is a notable example of how its propaganda strategy has expanded since the IRGM launched its own offensive in September 2014.

The group’s military wing, the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps, claimed responsibility in October for an attack that killed more than 40 civilians and wounded dozens of others in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul.

The Islamic State’s response to the attack was swift and brutal.

The Iraqi military, which has a long record of supporting the Islamic rebels, launched an operation that included airstrikes on the city and the nearby town of Tal Afar.

The attacks have left tens of thousands of civilians dead, and tens of millions displaced.

The Islamic State, which is fighting to establish a caliphate, has used its control over large swaths of territory to wage war against other groups and to impose its own strict interpretation of Islamic law on the world.

It has also created a large and complex network of safe havens that allow it to operate.

But IS’s expansion has also exposed its limits in Iraq; it is also becoming more visible to U.s.-backed forces in Syria.

The IS offensive in Mosul is a prime example of what happens when the Islamic extremist group seeks to expand and gain global legitimacy.

The offensive, which began as a counteroffensive against the offensive launched by the Iraqi government and its partners against IS, has now expanded into a full-scale offensive.

In Mosul, IS claimed responsibility, along with the Iraqi Army, for the death of nearly 1,000 civilians, the wounding of more than 1,500, and the destruction of more that 50 homes.

It claimed responsibility as well for the destruction and looting of more buildings.

In a statement on social media, the Iraqi military said that it was targeting IS “with precision.”

The statement also said that IS had killed “many” civilians.

IS claimed that its forces killed at least 150 people in the offensive, with more than 300 injured.

IS also claimed responsibility on social messaging platforms for the shelling of the Iraqi city’s Bab al-Salam